Mayur Chetia
I’ve been reading a lot of
American neo-conservatives lately. I know—it sounds odd, even
self-incriminating. After all, these are the architects of imperial wars, the
cheerleaders of endless occupation, the ones who saw nation-building as a side
hustle to military conquest.
And yet, I can’t help but find
something intellectually engaging in their writing.
Not their politics, obviously.
Their ends—control, domination, resource capture—are antithetical to everything
I stand for. But their means—their obsession with state-building, institutional
design, legitimacy—overlap with concerns that anyone thinking seriously about
socialism, post-capitalist futures, or democratic planning must eventually
confront.
Here’s what I think is worth
learning from them:
1. Institutional
Engineering: A Weird Obsession That Pays Off
Neo-cons obsessively dissect how institutions work—or fail. They study
judiciaries, armies, bureaucracies, tribal networks, patronage systems. Sure,
it's often in service of maintaining power over others. But the detail they
offer is real. Their work reads like grim statecraft manuals: how to co-opt
local elites, how to rebuild a judiciary, how to avoid insurgencies inside
police forces.
This kind of granular analysis is rare even among some left-wing thinkers, who
sometimes treat “the state” as a black box. Neo-cons open that box and start
labeling wires.
2. They Take Chaos
Seriously
Say what you will about
their motives, but neo-cons don't walk away from the mess they create. They are
obsessed with filling vacuums. That means confronting the hard problems of
post-conflict governance: how to manufacture legitimacy, how to hold elections
that don’t collapse the next day, how to balance civil-military relations.
It’s in these debates
that they say things I find surprisingly useful—even if I want to apply them in
a totally different context.
3. Long-Term Thinking
(Delusional but Structured)
Unlike liberals, who often
want clean narratives, fast exits, and symbolic victories, neo-cons think in
decades. They’re delusional, yes. But they also ask long-horizon questions:
How do we shape institutional
inheritances? What compromises are necessary early on? How do we build a state
that lasts beyond the next funding cycle?
These are also the questions
that revolutionaries—real ones—must ask. Market socialists too.
4. Their Failure
Analysis Is Brutally Honest
Ironically, some of the best
critiques of U.S. policy in Iraq or Afghanistan come from within neo-con
circles. They dissect their own disasters in painful detail—why local elites
turned against them, how corruption hollowed out institutions, how militia integration
failed.
Ideology blinds them to deeper
truths, but their post-mortems are analytically rich. There's a lot to steal
here.
5. Read with Caution
Of course, it goes
without saying: their normative framework is a mess. They treat people as clay,
states as machines, order as an end in itself. Justice, autonomy, popular
sovereignty—these are afterthoughts in their world.
But that’s exactly why
they’re useful to read. You’re not buying what they’re selling. You’re learning
from how they build—even when their structures collapse.
6. A Socialist
Parallel?
I’m interested in how to
build a post-capitalist state that actually works. That integrates informal
labour. That redistributes land without administrative collapse. That retools
bureaucracies without elite sabotage. That regulates markets while ensuring
service delivery. That earns legitimacy from below.
The technical challenges are
similar—tax systems, local governance, institutional trust. And so I find
myself strangely drawn to those who, for all the wrong reasons, have thought
deeply about how to make states function after a rupture.
So yes—read the neo-cons.
Just reverse the moral
polarity.
You're not looking for
blueprints. You're looking for the reasons their blueprints failed.
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